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UC goes global capitalistic

UC is going global and hoping to get a painless divorce from the state and the people of California. Or so says the long email I got from the Council of UC Faculty Associations:

UC President Mark Yudof and Governor Jerry Brown are working out a deal behind closed doors that will loosen the most important ties between the university and the state.

Although they will both praise the deal by saying that it “stabilizes” funding while granting greater “flexibility,” its essence is that each will let the other off the hook: UC will mute complaints that it does not get enough money from the state and the state will stop holding UC accountable for the money it still gets.

The likely result is that UC will dump a larger number of eligible Californians onto the CSU and Community Colleges, which will in turn pass on their overflow to for-profit schools, where students take on inordinate amounts of debt with a very high likelihood of default.

Here are some key elements of the deal:

* UC will continue to raise tuition-at least 6% based on the Governor’s January budget proposal, likely more now that the Governor’s May revise reduces UC funding by $38 million, and much more if the Governor’s fall tax initiative fails to pass. See this article, pg. 2.

* UC will no longer promise the state that it will admit a fixed number of California students in return for the enrollment funding that the state provides. For next year, and presumably from now on, UC will be allowed to use taxpayer funding as it pleases, without being accountable for the number of in-state students it educates. See this article, pg. 19. This means that UC is likely to enroll fewer California students, and to replace them with out-of-state and international students who pay more. The likely result is that UC will be able make more on average from its enrollments, that the state is likely to pay less, and that middle-income Californians will get less access to UC.

* UC will henceforward be allowed to commingle the state funds it uses for operations, such as teaching, with the funds it uses to pay debt service on new construction. See this article, pg 43. UC has said that this added “flexibility” in its use of both state and non-state funds will allow it to squeeze out more for operations by delaying or stopping unnecessary construction projects. But since 2004 it has been doing the opposite, squeezing operational budgets that could be funded by higher tuition to leverage more construction. The state should have held UC accountable for its use of higher tuition on California students to gain greater access to the construction bond markets, which were impressed by its ability to increase enrollments while raising prices. Instead, the state will give UC carte blanche in its use of both state and non-state funds. It might use this greater flexibility to spend more on construction. But from now on no one will ask, and no one will know. Finally, UC will be able to say that how much it spends to educate Californians and how many of them it enrolls is its own business, and not the state’s. If UC thinks its traditional mission is a money-loser, it can now use its continuing, but declining, revenues from the state to diversify into fields where it sees a brighter future. It will not be expected to draw on its other, more entrepreneurial, activities to subsidize public higher education, but instead will be allowed to use state educational funds to subsidize these other activities – and especially the capital projects necessary to get them off the ground. he core of the agreement between the Governor and UC is that UC will no longer be held accountable for its priorities in the use of any of its resources (public or private) – and especially for making it a priority to educate Californians.

Under Governor Schwarzenegger, UC got the state to agree that it should provide only as much public higher education for Californians as the state is willing to pay for. Under Governor Brown it will be free to provide even less than the state is willing to pay for. Unless this agreement is reversed, state funding for UC will continue to fall as UC separates itself from the rest of California’s Master Plan. We are reaching the point of no return.

Nuclear US and Iran

For at least a couple months, the *NYT* has had daily first-page articles on putative Iran’s nuclear plans and considered the military and diplomatic solutions available to the US and Israel. It has been blowing hot and cold on the problem, mostly hot. It has been careful, given its patsy role in the move towards war with Iraq (the Judith Miller affair). Today, for the first time as far as I know, the *NYT* mentions Ali Khamenei’s pronouncements on the matter in a piece indicating our intelligence is hard at work decripting the statements of Iran’s theocracy. Some of these pronouncements have been available on the web for a while, but never quoted or linked in articles in major US newspapers. Blowing hot continues at the *NYT*, however, starting with the title, “Seeking Nuclear Insight in Fog of the Ayatollah’s Utterances.” I’ll have to analyze the article in detail, but it’s enough to say it’s not giving us a full report. Quotation from the fifth paragraph:

Ayatollah Khamenei, who is not only the leader of Iran’s government but also the final authority on Islamic law, often uses religious language when he talks about the nuclear issue, which can jar Western analysts trying to gauge the meaning of such strong statements. With tensions over the nuclear program rising in February, he used that language to signal his opposition to nuclear weapons. “Iran is not seeking to have the atomic bomb, possession of which is pointless, dangerous and is a great sin from an intellectual and a religious point of view,” he said.

The words “Nuclear weapons” are linked, and I was hoping it was to the full text of Khamenei’s February declaration to Iranian nuclear personnel, but it goes in fact to a short page on the New Start treaty. I’ll have to get back to all of this.

Lecture on ancient Israel

A lecture of interest presented by the Taube Center for Jewish Studies at Stanford:
Michael Walzer on “Holy war in the Bible—and after,” Tuesday, April 24, 2012 at 7:30pm, Levinthal Hall, Stanford Humanities Center. Reflection from the philosopher Michael Walzer on the holy war tradition in the Bible and later culture. When do we begin to think of holy wars as morally condemnable?

Good Friday

It is Good Friday as well as the day before Passover. The lilacs are in bloom, and I can’t separate their color and even fragrance from the color of the cloth used to hide statues and the statue of the christ on a cross in my village church, when I was a kid, on this day. The bells stopped ringing the hours and no mass was celebrated until past midnight Saturday, or rather Sunday. No sacrifice but one, the infinitely repeated, enforced self-giving beyond the horizon which we’d like to forget in our modern economic systems. The divinity gone while nature is in its inchoatic glory. As if the god could then become quietly, habitually, and unthreateningly present for the rest of the year. In my village, one had to wait for the all-white glory of the midnight mass and the rekindling of an uncertain light in the cemetery, later processionally glorified in the progressively lit church: Lumen Christi. I can only think of Dylan Thomas’ Fern Hill for a sense of this glory:

And then to awake, and the farm, like a wanderer white
With the dew, come back, the cock on his shoulder: it was all
Shining, it was Adam and maiden,
The sky gathered again
And the sun grew round that very day.
So it must have been after the birth of the simple light
In the first, spinning place, the spellbound horses walking warm
Out of the whinnying green stable
On to the fields of praise.

But in the afternoon ceremony of Good Friday, at 3pm, while the Stock Exchange is closed (at least the brick and cement one), the passion story of the gospel of John is dropped on Catholic people and others throughout the world without explanation or commentary. Incendiary dynamics of the contemplation or imagining of the beating and killing of an innocent victim and the treason of followers and believers everywhere, beginning with their leader and foundational figure, Peter. The word Ioudaioi (Jews) appears 67 times in the gospel of John, sometimes with positive meaning. But this is lost on the people who listen to the passion story in silence. No music, no bells, no statuary, a dangerous, chaotic moment. And even with music, since streaming Bach there must be, what can an aria like Ach mein Sinn from the Passion according to John do for all readers and traitors, mes frères, as Baudelaire would have it? It moves me to tears, though I try to fight the schmalz back as best I can. And so does erbarme dich (Delphine Galou) from Bach’s Passion according to Matthew. For what good? I can’t separate the power of the liturgical week from what much of Christian and Aufklärung Europe, and their inverse and perverse heirs, did to Jews in 1939-45. Neither can I separate it from the political and social slumber which seems to affect many Christians and others in the industrialized world today, especially in the United States. Forbidding days or days of awe for me: *yomim nora’im*.

Etrezek ar bezioù

Avot Yeshouroun, an anv kemeret gant Yehiel Perlmutter e 1948, hervez ar wiki, a embannas ur barzhoneg-se e journal *Haaretz*, 23 mae 1952. An degemer a oa fall, kleiz ha dehoù. Met evel ma lavaras: “Al lennegezh hebraek a gasas ac’hanomp da Zion, hag e oa dleet dezhi lavarout ar wirionez diwar biv a veve er bro, n’eo ket lavarout e oa goullo.” (M. Gluzman, *Politics of canonicity*, 2003, 141)

יוֹם אֶחָד לָאֲדָמָה
,לָעֲמֻקָּה מִן פָאלַאסְטִין
,מִן פַאלֶסְטִינָה הוֹךְ הוֹךְ
.מִן כְּנַעַן־פֶלְלָחִין

יוֹם אֶחָד לָאֲדָמָה
.הַמְּלֵאָה אֶת הַכַּדִּים
,וְקָשָׁה הִיא וּמְאָדָּמָה
.חַמָּה הִיא וְגִידִים

אֶת עֶרְיָתָהּ אֵינָהּ מַגֶּדֶת
.לְרוֹכְבֵי עַל עֲרָיוֹת
וְאֵינָהּ מַגֶּדֶת לְרוֹכְבֵי
;עַל אֲתֹנוֹת צְחוֹרוֹת

וְעַל אֵלֶּה שֶׁקָּרְסוּ לַפֶּרֶךָ
,עִם צַלְצֶלֶת אֹרְחוֹת
עַל אֵלֶּה שֶׁעָמְדוּ בַּפֶּרֶא
– כְּאָח וְאָחוֹת

.הֲלֹא יִשְׁאַל הַלָּה לְפֶלְלָחוֹ
.הַלָּה תָּמִיד יִדְרֹשׁ לַחֵלֶךְ
.הָיָה זֶה פֹּה יַד מַלְאָכוֹ
.יַד הַלָּה כְּיַד הַמֶּלֶךְ

- וַיְהִי הַלָּה טוֹפֵשׁ עָלָיו דַּבֶּשֶׁת
..וְזֶה גּוֹמֵל עָמָל עַל הַשַּׁבֶּשֶׁת
- הָיוֹ יִהְיֶה אֲשֶׁר נוֹשֵׂא שַׁבֶּשֶׁת
..יֵצֶר הִיא שֶׁל אֵיזֶה בֶּעשְׁ”ט

שֶׁהִגִּיעָנוּ אֶל הַחוֹף בִּגְ’יַאנִיקוֹלוֹ
- וֶהֱקִימָנוּ עַל הַסַּף סַפָּן עַרְבִי
,אֶזְרֹעוֹתָיו שְׁלֻחָנִיּוֹת וְקִנְצֵי קוֹל לוֹ
..וְהַיָּדַיִם – מִבֵּית אָבִי

,וְהִגַּעְנוּ, וְלָאָרֶץ עֲרִירִי
,וְלָאָרֶץ אֵין פֹּה אֵם, וִיהִי מָה
,וַתֹּאמֶר פַאטְמָה “מַהֲרָה, נַעֲרִי
.אֱמֹר לָהּ ‘אִמָּא’”

.וָאוֹמַר: “דִּינָר לִי מֵאִמִּי לַעֲנִיֵּי עִירִי
.אַךְ רָעַבְתִּי. כִּי עָנִיתִי”.. – וָאוֹמַר
.וַתֹּרֶד אֶת כַּדָּהּ: “שְׁתֵה, נַעֲרִי
“..לְךָ הוּא הַדִּינָר

!הַזָּהוּב פָּרַטְתִּי, אָבִי מִכָּל הַחַאנִים”
.בְּדִינַר אִמִּי קָנִיתִי לִי בְּרַאנְזִ’ינֶס
.הִתְהַלַּכְתִּי פֹּה בֵּין וָאדִיּוֹת, חוֹלוֹת וְרָמַת-גַּן’יִם
.בִּדְמֵי אִמִּי קָנִיתִי לִי סַארְדִינֶס

?שֶׁהֶחֱיָנוּ הַסַּאְרדִינֶס! מִי מִכֶּם דִּינָר עִלָּע
?!מִסַּאְרדִינֶס מִי עוֹשֶׂה בֻּבָּה
.יָפוֹ וְדַיָּגֶיהָ! שֶׁאֵין רֶשֶׁת אֶלָּא לָהּ
.לַבֹּקֶר וְיֹאכְלוּ, וְהַדִּינָר חֻבָּם

.אַבְהוּנָא שֶׁלִּי, הַבֵּט עַל בְּכוֹר הַחַאנִים
.בְּחַרְתָּנִי בְּכוֹר עָנִי מֵאֵין כָּמוֹהוּ עוֹד
?שׁוּר עַל מַעֲשַׂי – יָפִים לְמַה נִּשְׁתַּנָּה
.”וַאֲנִי שִׁמְךָ קָנִיתִי לְעָבְדְךָ מְאֹד

..פְּנֵי אָבִינוּ הָיוּ פֹּה
..אָז הָיִינוּ עֹד בָּנִים
.עַתָּה אָבִינוּ בְּמַחֲפוֹא
?אֵיךְ נְקַבֵּל פָּנִים

- הֲלֹא תִשְׁאֲלִי לְעַמְּךָ-מַלְאָכוֹ
.וְהוּא הָלַךְ פָאלַאסְטִין
,הוּא הָלַךְ פֹּה אֶל כּוּכוֹ
..אֶל הַפְּלֵתִי

וְעַל כָּךְ וְעַל דַּרְכּוֹ
- כָּל מַעֲשֵׂהוּ בַּכּוּכִים
,הֲלֹא, שׁוֹשַׁנַּת יַעֲקֹב
.תִּשְׁאֲלִי אֶת הַחוֹחִים

תִּשְׁאֲלִי פֹּה בַּפְּרָצִים
,עַל קַבְּצַן הַסֻּלְיוֹת
עַל קִבּוּץ הַקִּבּוּצִים
;וְעַל קִבּוּץ הַגָּלֻיּוֹת

-וַתִשְׁאֲלִי אֶל נֵס
תְּנוּעַת-חִבַּת-צִיּוֹן
אֶת עַרְבִיֵּי הַנֵּס
;שֶׁנָּסוּ בְּלָצוֹן

- וְתִשְׁאֲלִי אֶת פִּי
:עַל שְׁתַּיִם הוּא הַדִּין
צַר לִי עַל טַפִּי
;וְצַר עַל דִּין וָדִין

-וְתִשְׁאֲלִי אֶל נֵס
תְּנוּעַת-חֹבְבֵי-שִׂיחָה
עַל עַרְבִיֵּי הַנֵּס
.”אֲשֶׁר “קָבְרוּ בְּדִיחָה

קָבְרוּ – עַד הֲקִיצוֹ
.שֶׁל כַּד הַמַּטְבְּעוֹת
,יְצַלְצְלוּ, לְעֵת מְצוֹא
..יָמִים, שָׁנִים, מֵאוֹת

עַד עָמֹד יַעֲמֹד הַלָּה
- וְסַב הוּא בְּאִישׁוֹן
וְאֲדָמָה כַּלָּהּ
..שׁוֹאֶגֶת יוֹם רִאשׁוֹן

,בַּעֲמָקַיִךְ, שׁוֹשַׁנַּת
;לו שׁוֹשַׁנָּה לְפֶלְלָחִים
מִי שׁוֹשַׁנָּה – וְלוֹ עַל מִנַעַת
.פֶּסַע אֶל כּוּכִים

,פֶלְלָחִין-בַּדְוִין, הָאָבוֹת
– כְּדוֹר מִדְבָּר לְדוֹר יוֹרֵשׁ
.צִוּוּנוּ פִּתָּה לֶאֱפוֹת
.נָשֵׂם לַחְמָם לְחֻךְ הָאֵשׁ

,וְאַבָּא-אִמָּא, מִן מַלְקֹח
– אֵשׁ-אֵל-רַבְרַבָּא מִלְקָח
צִוּוּנוּ יַהַנְדֶּס לֹא לִשְׁכֹּחַ
.וְעַל פּוֹילִין לֹא לִשְׁכָּח

אֲדָמָה הִיא בַּת בְּלִיַּעַל.
- גַּם אַבְרָהָם גַּם אִיבְּרָהִים
שָׂרָה עִמּוֹ הַנַּעַר
..וְשָֹרָה מִן הַמִּצְרִים

וְהָאֲדָמָה וְהָאֲדָמָה
.מְבַלְּעָה אֶת הַכַּדִּים
- הִיא חַמָּה, הִיא מְאָדָּמָה
.וְהִיא גִּידִים לַמַּגִּידִים

הִיא חַמָּה וּמְאָדָּמָה
.כְּפִתְחָהּ שֶׁל הַיּוֹלֶדֶת
מְלֵאָה לָהּ אֶרֶץ אֲדָמָה
.וְלֹא נוֹעֶדֶת

Un deiz bennak d’an douar,
donoc’h eget Falastîn,
eget “Palestina Ohé Ohé,”
eget Canaan-*fellahin*.

Un deiz bennak d’an douar,
a leunia ar bezioù (urnoù).
Ha kalet hi hag o ruziañ,
tomm eo ha stir dezhi.

Na gont ket he noazhded
da varc’hourion war lionoù.
Ha na gont ket d’ar varch’ourion
war azenezed gwenn;

Ha war ar re a oa friket d’ar galeoù
gant tinterezh an hentoù, (?)
war ar re a oa en o sav gouez
evel breur ha c’hoar —

Chom a raio hennezh hep goull diwar e *fellah*
Chom a raio hep klask bepred diwar ar gwan.
Amañ e oa dorn ec’h ael.
Dorn hennezh evel dorn ur roue.

Hag e oa hennezh …. —
Hag eñ da zigoll labour war …. fardaj?
Forzh petra a dougo ar …. fardaj? —
Tech ur Besht bennak eo …

E errujomp d’an aod war Gianicolo
Hag ur martolod arabek a laka ac’hanomp war an treuz —
E vrec’h astennet hag ur vouezh munut dezhañ,
hag an daouarn — eus ti va zad …

Hag ec’h errujomp, ha d’ur vro hañvesk,
ha mamm ebet d’ar vro, ha petra,
hag e lavaras Fatma: “Buan, va bugel,
lavar dezhi ‘Mamm’.”

Hag e lavarañ, “Bezañ m’eus un dinar eus mamm, evit ar beorion-gêr,
met naon m’eus. Rak paour on aet”, hag e lavarañ —
hag e tiskenn he foud (karafenn?), “Ev, va bugel,
evidout eo an dinar”…

“Eskemmet m’eus an aour, va zad eus an oll *Khanoù* !
Prenet m’eus *branjines* gant dinar va mamm.
Baleet m’eus amañ etre ar wadioù, traezhioù hag Ramat-Gan’où.
Gant arc’hant-gwad va mamm m’eus prenet *sardinez*

Pegen buhez gant ar *sardinez*! Piv ouzhoc’h a lonka un dinar?
Gant *sardinez* piv a ra ur verc’hodenn!?
Jaffa hag he fesketourion! Roued ebet met hec’h hini.
Diouzh ar beure hag e debrjont, hag an dinar enno.

Va zadig, sell ouzh henañ ar Khanoù.
Va dibabet t’eus an henañ kaezh n’eus hini bet eveltañ ken.
Arvest ouzh va oberioù — brav perak eo chañchet?
Ha me prenet m’eus da anv evit servij ac’hanout meur.”

Amañ oa dremm hon tad …
neuze e oamp maboù c’hoazh …
Bremañ emañ kuzh hon tad.
Penaos e degerimp dremm [e tigorimp da...]

Goul e ri war-lerc’h da dud, na ri ket — ec’h ael —
hag eñ kaezhiad Palestin.
Aet eo amañ d’e c’hav,
d’ar Pelêthi…

Hag war se ha war e stumm
hag an oll a reas er kavoù —
sur awal’ch, rozenn Yaqob,
goul gant an dreiz.

Goul amañ en odeoù
diwar ar c’hlasker soulioù,
diwar kibbutz ar c’hibboutzoù,
ha diwar dastumad an harluidi;

Ha goul diwar (el…) burzhud
luskad ar c’harourion-Zion
an Arabed diwar burzhud
e tec’hjont evit fenn;

Ha goul ganiñ —
barnet vez diwar daou dest:
keuz ennon diwar va bugale
ha keuz war varn ha barn:

Ha goul diwar (el) burzhud
luskad karourion kaoze (diviz?)
War goust an Arabed ar burzhud
inti a “douarjont ar farsadenn”.

Douarjont — betek fin (dihun?)
poud ar pezhioù.
a sono, pa vo ar c’houlz
deizhioù, bloavezhioù, kanteriadoù….

Betek e vo en e sav hennezh
hag e tro e kreizh an nozh [I'm following Gluzman]
hag an douar danvez-pried
a ruoc’ha an deiz kentañ….

en ho traoniennoù, rozenn ar …,
Ha ma oa roz gant ar fallahin;
Piv zo ur rozenn — ha ma n’eo ket evit diwall
tremen war kavoù.

Fallahin bedouin, an tadoù
— evel rumm an deserz da rumm a herez –
a c’hourmenna deomp poazhañ pita.
Lakaat a rimp o bara e kreiz an tan.

Ha tad-mamm, diouzh preizh,
tan doue foeltr diouzh preizh —
a c’hourmenna deomp chom hep ankounac’haat Yahndas.
hep ankounac’haat Pologn.

Merc’h Bli’al (an diaoul) eo douar
Abraham hag Ibrahim
ar c’hrennard a stourma gantañ
Ha Sarah eus ar Ejiptianed….

Hag and douar hag an douar
a lonk ar c’havoù (bezioù).
Tomm eo, ruziañ a ra —
Stir eo d’ar c’honterioù.

Tomm eo ha ruziañ a ra
evel digoradur an hini a gan.
Leun eo ar bro gant douar
hag hep planedenn.

Ur barzhoneg digant Fogel

Niverenn 4 eus levr לפני השער האפל pe *Dirak an nor teñval*, adembannet , e David Fogel *Poems*, aozet gant A. Komem (Tel Aviv: Hakibbutz hameuchad, 1998. Hebraeg).

גְּדוֹלִים כִּבְרֵכוֹת וּשְׁקוּפִים
,הָיוּ הַיָּמִים
.כִּי הָיִינוּ יְלָדִים

הַרְבֵּה יָשַׁבְנוּ עַל שְׂפָתָם
,וַנִשְׂחָק
אוֹ לִשְׂחוֹת יָרַדְנוּ
בַּמַּיִם הֵצָּחִים

אַף פְּעָמִים בָּכִינוּ
,אֶל סִנַּר אִמֵּנוּ
כִּי חַיִּים מָלֵאנוּ
.כְּכַדֵּי הַיָּיִן

Bras ha splann evel poulloù
e oa an devezhioù
pa oamp bugalez.

Alies e azezjomp war o ribl
Hag e c’hwerzhjomp,
pe da neuñviñ e tiskennjomp
er dourioù sklaer.

Wechoù zoken e oueljomp
war-du davañjer hor mammoù,
pa hor boa karget buhez
evel ar podoù gwin.

Obama on Iran

Obama cautioned against “loose talk of war” today at AIPAC but still assured war-loving and short-term-thinking supporters of Israel (or rather of a certain idea of Israel) he would use US military force if necessary to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon. Lots of ifs in that last sentence fortunately (what kind of military force, how, what would constitute necessity, and how would “obtaining a nuclear weapon” be defined?).

What is going on?

On one side, intelligence and military specialists, both in Israel and in the US, saying very different things from the politicos, mostly about the absence of evidence not only of a nuclear weaponization program, but even of a decision to pursue one. And of course Ayatollah Khamenei, top of the theocracy in Iran, who was even more clear on Feb 22, 2012, in a meeting with Iranian nuclear scientists, about why the Islamic Republic of Iran is not going after nuclear weapons.

On the other side, all kinds of people calling for military action now: Israeli right, pro-Israel US right, many Republicans, and the usual collection of Christian millenarians. Happy to talk about something much more serious than tackling something they could really do, namely peace with the Palestinians. Worried too, many of them, that Obama really means to follow up on his eminently reasonable call, at long last, for a return to 1967 borders with swaps, and an implementation of the known details of a difficult peace, including the Jerusalem question. Especially worried now that it looks since the end of 2011 that he might win by a landslide given the wonderful incompetence and complete vacuity of Republican candidates. Four years (one of real potential at least, the first one), perhaps more power than he had in the first mandate, and an agenda (or so I hope). And so taking Obama to task. Those are the same politicians and war-mongers of every stripe who didn’t hesitate to sink 2 or 3 trillion dollars—who is counting?—in pursuit of a folly: transform Iraq into a democracy by force, and so get a bulwark against Iran on its western flank, and keep watch on Iran from the East (Afghanistan). It ended up eliminating Iran’s natural enemy and local competitor, Iraq, for a long time. So, they think it’s time for plan B. But I’m doing too much thinking for them. To see them calling Obama on the carpet and be ready to spend more money and lives after this fiasco is rich. And the media have been helping. For instance, no chance that the US papers are going to print Ali Khamenei’s 2/22/2012 address, even with the usual provisos, as Juan Cole says in his blog. It’s one thing not to believe the pope or the leading, hard-line, ayatollah in Iran, say, but how about printing at least a summary of what they say?

Obama says he doesn’t have a containment policy in store regarding Iran (meaning, a nuclear Iran). He does have a containment policy regarding AIPAC, however, or so it seems to me, and it’s a good thing. We need someone with a head here. Kind of sad the White House felt they had to have the president speak at AIPAC, however.

I’ll have to go back to the stream of articles on Iran-Israel-US, pretty much daily for weeks, by the *NYT*, blowing hot mostly, rarely cold (even with Dennis Ross a week ago, playing good cop in a timely opinion piece. More on this later). Because even if it’s pretty clear the White House and Obama are playing a pretty good game of hide and seek now with the likes of AIPAC and Netanyahu, and I hope they don’t leave too many feathers in it, I still find our foreign policy in the Persian Gulf, in the Middle East and in South East Asia hard to understand. I hope to get back to it.

History of Israel and post-modernism

Concerning post-modernism and modern historical criticism in Biblical studies. There was a little spat a while ago (3 years!) involving an article written jointly by Aichele, Miscall and Walsh (“An elephant in the room: historical-critical and postmodern interpretations of the Bible.” *JBL* 128 (2009): 383–404.); this article drew an acrid answer from one of the good rational historians of ancient Israel: Van Seters (“A response to G. Aichelle (sic!), P. Miscall and R. Walsh, ‘An elephant in the room: historical-critical and the postmodern interpretations of the Bible’.” *JHS* 9, no. a26 [2009]:1–13).

What I miss in this exchange is a sense of the people whose lives, or rather shells of a life (texts, temples, palaces, houses, pottery, jewels, tools, etc.), became the subjects of that history. The so-called or self-baptized post-modernists wish to stay away from ontological or essentialist frames and give voice to unrecognized, silenced, or displaced texts, histories or identities, away from authors or authorities and their claims to control everything, but often end up framing new ontological categories. Most historians of ancient Israel and Judah, on the other hand, tend to be more preoccupied with visible structures, archaeological, textual or not, and do not elucidate sufficiently the links to the people’s lives by studying further language, family structure, labor, tenancy and tax systems, indebtedness, links to religious structures, etc. Great progress has been made, but much is left to do, thanks to the absent subject of history (others call this shadow of ourselves God). Good thing too.

Another reaction I had when reading this was how insular the post-modernist claims appear to be. “This time period is that of a much less confident modernity than that of the nineteenth century.” (page 396 of the *JBL* article). My initial movement is to agree, but what is the basis for this opinion, aside from the need to link “historical criticism” to 19th century’s bourgeois, tainted thinking? At one end, what does nineteenth century mean here? The likes of Wellhausen, Berthelot, Renan and US railway barons, all in a big bourgeoisie bag? At the other end, is the purported present lack of confidence oozing from philosophy and theology books in the US and Europe representative of the thinking of an endangered intellectual middle class but of little else? This is but a small part of the world…

trueing the world

On the great desire to see where the “plain of truth” is (ἡ πολλὴ σπουδὴ τὸ ἀληθείας ἰδεῖν πεδίον οὗ ἐστιν), which Plato describes in *Phaedrus* 248b, and after reading the article by Bainard Cowan on “Walter Benjamin’s theory of allegory” *New German Critique* 22 (1981), 109–22:

When trueing a building frame or a wheel, I use tools which in turn refer or bring me back (beyond?) to the plenitude or fullness of the ocean already there. The bubble in the liquid sealed in a hardwood frame in an act of imitation of the horizon line and of adequation to the laws of physics. When the framing of a window for instance is true—and it is a shock or rather a revelation to discover it—I do not simply take my studs to be symbols by referring them to absolutized measures or tools severed from being (my trusted level), and stopping at that (and a beer. Wheww, wasn’t that scary?). Something tells me I’m participating in a great mystery (how theological to speak like this, the mystery of presence). For intimations of it, see Hadot’s *The veil of Isis: an essay on the history of the idea of nature* 2006 (translation of *Le voile d’Isis: essai sur l’histoire de l’idée de nature*, 2004).

This sense of having access to a great mystery may come as a flash of revelation in all dimensions of life, because trueing our discourse, technology, social activities and systems of evaluation (ethics)—a constant endeavor—can only be a struggle with a cutting, separating, isolating of what existed before, the remembering and contemplation of this “plain of truth” Plato speaks of after the dismembering. The wood has been cut, not necessarily with the grain, by large machines, transported immediately to distributors, used (water-logged) in a new construction. Fat chance you’ll get anything true even if you bought clear heart. Lucky if you stay close, within 1/4″ of this mythical reverberating point.

Perhaps the same could be said of all institutions which are built regardless of grain. The dismembering which is a given in all human activities makes access to the “plain of truth” impossible. In our unhappiness, or severed state, we content ourselves with “experiencing” the world and treating everything as symbols. In our speaking, making, living together in, and valuation of the world, we accept to live in a forest of symbols but forget it is a forest. We “experience” reality and rush from symbol to symbol. That is, we acquiesce to the (now capitalist) demand that we become instances of something that we forgo (or most of us have forgone) while pretending to hearken back to it: being. Yet the tools are so constituted, and so are we, in a physical continuum with the “plain of truth,” that at times we can glimpse something beyond the horizon and recognize it as grace.

Fitch on UC

I recommend this article from the Reclaim UC blog. Most illuminating on how UC has seriously turned to serving larger financial and economic interests rather than those of the students and public (especially Californian public) is this paragraph from the bond report by Fitch (be patient when loading the full text):
>UC continues to benefit from one of the most diverse revenue streams in higher education, and Fitch notes positively its low and declining reliance on state aid as a revenue source (12.1% in fiscal 2011). The university’s other significant funding sources include revenue derived from the operation of its five medical centers (27.1%), grants and contracts generated by its substantial sponsored research activities (24.5%), and student-generated revenues, including tuition, fees, and auxiliary receipts (16.6%).